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Specifically, Bem notes how "the attitude statements which comprise the major dependent variables in dissonance experiments may be regarded as interpersonal judgments in which the observer and the observed happen to be the same individual."
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Because the observers, who did not have access to the actors' internal cognition and mood states, were able to infer the true attitude of the actors, it is possible that the actors themselves also arrive at their attitudes by observing their own behavior. The results obtained were similar to the original Festinger-Carlsmith experiment. Those in the latter condition thought that the man must have enjoyed the task more than those in the $20 condition. Subjects were told that the man had been paid $20 for his testimonial and another group was told that he was paid $1. Subjects listened to a tape of a man enthusiastically describing a tedious peg-turning task. One possibility briefly discussed is that a process of representation and re-representation of information originally obtained through interaction with physical and social objects gives rise to reflective self-awareness and the particularly autobiographical knowledge of self which we take to be species-typical of humans.In an attempt to decide if individuals induce their attitudes as observers without accessing their internal states, Bem used interpersonal simulations, in which an "observer-participant" is given a detailed description of one condition of a cognitive dissonance experiment. Although a case for early self-specification in perception can readily be made, it is much more difficult to explain how self-perception gives rise to self-conception. Self-specification in perception is also indicated in recent research on imitation in very young infants, a possible mechanism for the essentially social component of self-concept development. Studies of the visual proprioceptive control of posture in babies may be interpreted to support an inherent distinction between self and nonself in infant perception, rather than the traditional account of an "adualistic confusion." Similarly, various aspects of bodily self-awareness manifested even by fetuses demonstrate some basis for a categorical self as an original aspect of experience. Evidence from human infants who are too young to recognize themselves in mirrors is reviewed for a sensory perceptual basis for the existential self (the I) and for the categorical self (the me) in William James's terminology. Gibson's ecological approach to sensory perception asserts that there is information for the distinction between self and nonself inherent in perception. The aim of this article is to consider the antecedents of self-knowledge in processes of sensory perception during infancy. But mirror self-recognition may require relatively advanced cognitive abilities and may reveal relatively little about the ontogenetic origins of self-knowledge. Most accounts of the origins of the self-concept in humans rely on the mirror self-recognition (rouge removal) task whereby the infant is credited with self-awareness at about 15 months, once it is able to use the mirror reflection to locate a dab of rouge on the nose.